Forget about ‘Love and Marriage.’ Gilpin Historical Society is planning a first-of-its-kind event that some would consider a ‘Love and Death’ extravaganza.
The event poster notes, ‘Not all love stories have a happy ending.’
Given the recent weather, the Valentine’s event may span multiple days. Dr. Forsyth noted, ‘Monte Lobo has very kindly let us use the stage on the top floor of their building for it.’
In a year when the histories of the United States and Colorado are front and center, Central City’s Belvidere Foundation will host a fundraising event.
Retired Judge Gary Jackson will discuss the history and significance of Historic Lincoln Hills in northeast Gilpin County. The 124-year-old neighborhood is considered one of the most important in African American history.
For more than 90 minutes, speaker after speaker
praised Cherokee Blake for her selfless 28 years of
service to Gilpin County during her retirement party
last week.
Undersheriff Greg Demo
they often think of the uniform, badge, and patrol
car. For those of us who truly understand how this
times than we can count. This office remains strong
achievements made by Cherokee. We are all better
for having worked alongside her. Thank you for 28
years of commitment, integrity, and service. You
will be greatly missed and never forgotten. Happy
retirement.”
Among them were:
on the street, every case file, every sched-
ule, every budget, and every smoothly
run operation is a strong administrative
foundation that holds it all together. For
the cornerstone of our foundation.”
Gilpin, rest of Colorado will
party like it’s…well, 2026
Senior Reporter
Need a good reason to attend a party in 2026?
Well, Gary Jackson has dozens of reasons for
Gilpin County and those who live in Colorado’s
other 63 counties this year.
Jackson was appointed to the America
250-Colorado 150 Commission in 2022 by Gov.
Jared Polis. The commission oversees plan-
ning a variety of celebrations for the national
2026. (See the related sidebar for explanations
of each anniversary.)
“The importance of this event is that we want
to focus on local people and local community
participation,” emphasized Jackson.
Drone shows wil be big part of state’s 150 th aniversary
By Don Ireland
By Don Ireland
It won’t be the lyrical “rockets’ red glare”
lighting the skies around Colorado in 2026.
Rather, dozens of patriotic-themed drone
light shows – instead of fireworks –will be
part of the many anniversary celebrations
across the Centennial State.
Drones
Drones
The America 250-Colorado 150 Commis-
sion is taking the milestone celebrations to
new heights with its “Stories in the Skies”
series, featuring nearly 150 drone shows now
through the end of December.
Some of the drone light shows were devel-
oped through a partnership with the Commis-
sion, the Colorado Tourism Office, and Visit
Denver. The recent 40-night holiday drone
light shows in downtown Denver during
The“Age of Drones”
column is a 3-time
Colorado Press Assn.
“Better Newspaper Award”
winner, 2022, 2023 & 2024
FAA-
Certified
Part 107
Drone Pilot
November and December were a
preview of what’s yet to come. (The
holiday drone show is also sched-
uled to return for a third season in
November 2026.)
Be prepared before the next power outage.
Another series of drone light
shows, called “Stories in the Sky
Statewide Series,” is sponsored by
Chevron, Tallgrass and UCHealth.
That series of shows, which began
with a drone-light display during
football game this past September,
will be staged around the state from
the Eastern Plains to the Western
“Each drone show will focus for
two or three minutes on the history
of the community in that area,” not-
ed Judge Gary Jackson, a member
of the state’s America 250-Colorado
150 Commission.
Lighted drones will take the form of the Denver Broncos’
mascot and other well-known Colorado symbols at
shows around the state this year.
Photo courtesy of Tammy Broskey
In the near future, the commemora-
follows:
and reused for numerous shows, unlike fireworks,
which are a one-time use.
However, those who prefer traditional fireworks
insist there’s nothing quite like the booming noise
when they go off in the sky – although local dogs
might not agree with their human counterparts.
• Jan. 22: The Ouray Ice Festival in
Ouray.
• Jan 30: The Snowdown Light Parade
in Durango.
Drone light shows have also become part of the
–
wood (Tennessee), Lake Compounce (Connecticut),
Fun Spot America (Florida), and Disney Springs
(Florida), as well as special events at Six Flags parks
nationwide.
• Feb. 7: The Steamboat Winter Carni
val in Steamboat Springs.
The 250-150 Commission is also of-
fering to bring the drone light shows to
communities willing to contribute a share
minutes, including 10 minutes of America
250-Colorado 150 content, in addition to
two minutes of regional content and two
minutes for up to four sponsors.
(By the way, if you’ve never seen a drone light
show – including those set to music – do a search
on YouTube. There are plenty from around the
world available to watch online, including some
Guinness Record-setting drone light shows featur-
ing 16,000 drones at a single event.)
The local communities must be will-
ing to contribute between $10,000 and
$18,000 for their local shows. The pricing
includes full coordination of the show,
FAA approvals required for an evening
show, creative development, and the cost
to execute the show, which includes hun-
dreds of drones. Availability is on a first-
come, first-served basis, pending approv-
als from the Commission and its major
sponsors. For information on sponsoring
a drone show, contact Terry.Fabrizio@
state.co.us.
* * *
A drone equipped with a thermal camera helped
locate and rescue a 61-year-old man from LaGrange,
Kentucky, a few days before Christmas. After taking
his usual walk from home that day, the man became
lost for nearly 29 hours in freezing conditions in the
wooded, mountainous area near his home.
The Oldham County Search and Rescue team was
called for assistance. They brought their thermal
drone, which can detect heat signatures from people
and warm-blooded animals. The S&R’s drone op-
erator, Justin Hilliard, spotted the lost man curled
in a fetal position, allowing ground crews to locate
and rescue him. He was taken to a waiting ATV and
transported to a hospital in good spirits.
* * *
Over the past few years, drone light
shows have been slowly replacing tradi-
tional fireworks shows in communities
across the nation. One primary reason
fireworks can create fire hazards – espe-
cially in areas prone to wildfires. Another
reason is that drones can be recharged
Receive a free 5-year warranty
with qualifying purchase*
– valued at $535.
The patrol division of the Gilpin County Sheriff’s
Office also has a drone equipped with a thermal
lens, which has been used to locate lost hikers
during the summer months. Let’s hope they don’t
receive any calls about lost people in the nearby
mountains during the current, sub-freezing nights.
Black Hawk making plans for U.S., state celebrations
By Don Ireland
Eight-foot-tall
statues of
donors since then.”
Among the judge’s favorite initia-
tives sponsored by the commission are
this from the viewpoint of our shared history,” ac-
cording to Jackson. “We’re looking at this as everyday
Coloradoans. The first major event we had was back
in September, when we had a drone show at a Univer-
sity of Colorado football game in Boulder. There will
be another 40 to 60 drone shows throughout Colora-
do this year. We have 64 counties in the state and we
want to have 40 to 60 drone shows, so people in every
county in Colorado will be within a 100-mile distance
of a drone show location. About two or three minutes of
each drone show will include showing the history of that
particular area.”
white and blue. In addition, red,
white, and blue burlap patriotic
bunting will adorn the railings
area a more historical, nineteenth-
century look. This burlap bunting will
give Black Hawk a distinctive flair, once
others will commemorate this great na-
tion’s 250th Anniversary.”
the “14ers Climbs” and the “Passport”
Senior Reporter
The City of Black Hawk plans to showcase its
patriotic spirit this summer.
Jackson said the anniversary will
include a challenge for people to climb
as many 14,000-foot mountains in the
state as possible during the year. “I’m
sure there are quite a few of them in the
Gilpin County area that people will be
coming to,” he noted.
The Colorado Digital Passport program
invites people to visit selected museums, restau-
rants and other attractions. By visiting these places,
participants will earn points to redeem for rewards, badges and
exclusive offers. “Right now, we’re trying to determine which
places will be part of the digital passport program,” Jackson
noted.
installed
around
Gregory
Mayor David Spellman said ideas are being
discussed about how the city will participate in the
America 250-Colorado 150 events this summer. “For
Plaza later
this year,
giving
people a
chance to
take patriotic
selfies.
America’s semiquincentennial, Black Hawk has
purchased fiberglass figures, similar to the Hal-
loween and Christmas figures that so many
Black Hawk is expected to host its
annual Founders’ Day in late June. The
family-friendly celebration features ac-
tivities and exhibits. The event honors
William L. Lee, Dr. Frederick H. Judd,
of Black Hawk Point in June 1860,
about 13 months after prospector
John H. Gregory discovered gold
in the area. Once the community
was established, the Third Session of
the Colorado
Black Hawk on March 11, 1864. It was the second incorporated city
– behind Denver – in the Territory of Colorado, which became the
nation’s 38th state in 1876.
residents and visitors enjoyed in the Gregory
Jackson said he doesn’t know if a drone show will be spon-
sored by any Gilpin County group this year. However, if that
doesn’t happen, county residents can attend one being planned
for 2026 in Boulder and other neighboring counties. “What
should get people excited is that there can be events and vari-
ous projects in communities around the state that will focus on
our history. It’s my understanding that the Belvidere Theater
renovation (in Central City) has received money from one of the
donors who is contributing to the Colorado 150 celebration. To
date, the commission has raised $6 million [toward] the proj-
ects. The state legislature started us off with $500,000 in seed
money. However, we’ve obtained many major sponsors and
Street HARD District. One is an eight-foot-
tall Uncle Sam statue, and the other is an
eight-foot-tall Statue of Liberty.”
Photos
courtesy of
ums, such as Nathan Richie of the Golden History Museum.
There are individuals who represent the military, the disabled
and other communities. There are now 23 commissioners.
Spellman said he wants the list of things
for visitors and residents to do this year to
continue growing in Black Hawk. “We hope to add
to the lineup of fiberglass patriotic-themed items.
Perhaps Uncle Sam will be seated on a Black
Hawk bench, ready for a photo with his fellow
Americans. Or the Liberty Bell may appear on the
the City
of Black
* * *
When Jackson was appointed, there were 15 commission
slots on the America 250-Colorado 150 organization. “There is a
person on the commission affiliated with the state tourism com-
mission,” Jackson explained. “We have Dick Monfort (owner of
the Colorado Rockies), who is affiliated with the philanthropic
community. There are also representatives from various muse-
“I represent the Black communities of Colorado, from Fort
Collins to the San Luis Valley, from Gunnison to Sterling. I
think the governor appointed me because I’ve been around
for 80 years, so I know a little bit about Colorado,” said Jack-
son, with a chuckle in his voice.
Gregory Plaza,” he explained.
For additional information about the America 250-Colo-
The town will also receive a red, white and blue
makeover as part of the forthcoming festivities. The
rado 150 Commission and its growing
list of activities, visit historycolorado.
org/colorado-150 . A master online
calendar will also be added to the
website.
Friday, Jan. 9 –
Teacher in-service day.
Middle school girls’ bas-
ketball hosts Estes Park.
The B-team will play at
4:15 p.m., followed by the
A-team at 5:15 p.m.
Eagle Eye Reporter
The Gilpin High School Interact Club took on the role of donation sorters at the Denver Rescue
Mission on Dec. 22.
The middle school and high school Interact Club members planned a supplies drive for the
Rescue Mission by distributing informational flyers around the building and setting up donation
bins. The club also offered its organizational skills.
Saturday, Jan 10 –
High school wrestling at
Wiggins, beginning at 9
varsity basketball at North
Park at noon. High school
boys’ basketball at West
The Denver Rescue Mission is a nonprofit organization that offers emergency services, includ-
ing meals, overnight housing, and daytime services, as well as rehabilitation, transitional pro-
grams and community outreach.
The Interact Club worked for two hours sorting through large boxes of donations and breaking
down cardboard after receiving a tour of the Mission warehouse.
The Denver Rescue Mission offers a free “store” for unhoused people in the area, with clothes,
shoes, and food
available for the tak-
ing, beds for nightly
warmth and safety,
and jobs for those
seeking a new life.
Next week (Jan. 12-
17)
Monday, Jan. 12 –
Middle school girls’ bas-
ketball hosts East Grand.
The C-team will play at
4:15 p.m., followed by the
B-team at 5 p.m. and the
Gilpin, Clear Creek,
Nederland Students:
Got good grades?
We want you!!
Bring in your report
card and receive:
$10 for every A
$5 for every B
Later the club
members bonded at
the Red Rocks Christ-
mas in Color Christ-
mas lights.
Tuesday, Jan. 13 –
High school basketball
at Denver Academy.
The boys’ jayvee game is
scheduled for 4 p.m., fol-
varsity at 5 p.m. and the
boys’ varsity an hour later.
MONTE
MONTE
Gilpin High Shool Interact
Club members at the Denver
Rescue Mission were
Jennifer Ferrante, JJ Church,
Gretchen Osteboe, Makaela
Johnson and Keira Ferrante
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Three times last month, Sarah Mitchell’s refrigerator went dark. Not from a storm—just Tuesday afternoons in suburban Denver when the grid couldn’t keep up. Her neighbor installed a generator. She’s considering the same.
This isn’t an isolated story anymore.
Power outages that once felt like rare disruptions are becoming regular occurrences across the United States. The numbers tell part of the story: the average American experienced over eight hours of power interruptions in 2023, double what it was a decade ago. But statistics don’t capture the frustration of resetting clocks, tossing spoiled groceries, or working by flashlight.
Several factors are colliding to create this new reality. Our electrical infrastructure, built largely in the 1960s and 70s, wasn’t designed for today’s demands. Air conditioning runs longer and harder as summers heat up. Electric vehicles charge overnight. Data centers multiply to handle our cloud-dependent lives. The system is being asked to do more than it was ever meant to handle.
Weather patterns have shifted too. Severe storms hit harder and more often. Heat waves stress the grid when everyone cranks up cooling simultaneously. Wildfires force utilities to shut off power preemptively—a choice between controlled outages and catastrophic blazes sparked by damaged lines.
The Real Estate Perspective
“Unfortunately, power outages are going to be the new norm,” says Bart Brockman of Keller Williams. “We’re seeing this impact property values and buyer decisions in real ways. Homes with backup generators or solar-plus-battery systems are commanding premium prices. Buyers are asking about grid reliability during showings. It’s become a major consideration in the home-buying process.”
The transition to renewable energy, while necessary, adds complexity. Solar and wind provide clean power but not always when demand peaks. Battery storage technology is improving but still can’t fill all the gaps. Managing this mix requires a more sophisticated grid than we currently have.
Utilities Caught in the Middle
Utilities are caught between competing pressures. Upgrading infrastructure costs billions—money that ultimately comes from ratepayers already struggling with rising electricity bills. Regulators want reliability but resist rate increases. Investors expect returns. Something has to give, and increasingly, it’s the power itself.
Communities are adapting in different ways. Some neighborhoods pool resources for backup systems. Others pressure local officials to prioritize grid improvements. Battery sales are booming. Whole-home generators, once considered extreme, now seem prudent.
The federal infrastructure bill allocated $65 billion for grid improvements, but experts say we need three times that amount. Meanwhile, the build-out proceeds slowly, tangled in permitting processes and local opposition to new transmission lines.
What This Means for Colorado
Colorado faces unique challenges. The state’s aggressive renewable energy targets and mandated closure of coal-fired plants create transition risks. When Xcel Energy’s Comanche units shut down and Craig Station closes in 2028, the state loses reliable baseload power. The replacements—natural gas plants with hydrogen blending capability and battery storage—are cleaner but introduce new reliability questions.
At the very moment electricity demand grows, regulators have mandated the closure of coal-fired power plants. The state’s regulatory focus isn’t on hardening the grid against wildfire and wind—it’s on electrification. Electric vehicles and trucks, electric homes and heat appliances. No more gas stoves to cook your soup when the power’s out for days.
The Path Forward
What’s clear is that the grid of tomorrow won’t look like the one we have today. It will need to be smarter, more distributed, more resilient. Whether we get there before the outages become truly intolerable remains an open question.
For now, families like the Mitchells are learning to plan around uncertainty. Charging devices stays on the mental checklist. Flashlights live in easy-to-find spots. The novelty of candlelit dinners has worn off entirely.
The lights will keep going out. The only question is how often we’re willing to accept it.
The clock is ticking on Craig Unit 1. By the end of this year, the 446-megawatt coal-fired power plant that’s anchored Moffat County’s economy since 1980 is scheduled to go dark. But in a twist that’s become familiar in America’s coal country, the federal government may force it to stay online—at least temporarily.
Tri-State Generation and Transmission Association, which operates Craig Station, says it has a “high degree of confidence” the U.S. Department of Energy will issue an emergency order before year’s end to extend Unit 1’s life. The Trump administration has made clear it intends to keep coal plants running, committing $625 million to “reinvigorate and expand” the industry, including $350 million specifically for recommissioning and retrofitting old coal-fired plants.
Energy Secretary Chris Wright has framed these interventions as necessary for grid reliability and energy security. The administration has already used Section 202(c) emergency orders to keep coal plants operating in other states, citing concerns about power supply stability.
The Economics Don’t Add Up
But here’s the uncomfortable reality federal orders can’t change: Craig Unit 1 is scheduled to close not just because of Colorado Air Quality Control Commission regulations requiring it to shut down for regional haze reduction—it’s closing because it no longer makes economic sense.
Keeping the three-unit Craig Station running rather than closing it on schedule would cost an additional $79 million annually, according to analysis by Grid Strategies. Tri-State itself has publicly stated it has excess generating capacity and doesn’t need Craig Unit 1 to ensure reliability.
The utility’s preferred plan, filed with Colorado regulators, reflects previously announced retirements driven primarily by economics. When Craig Station fully closes in 2028, Tri-State plans to replace it with a 307-megawatt natural gas plant capable of blending up to 30% hydrogen into the fuel, plus 200 megawatts of battery storage—all located in Moffat County.
That’s cold comfort for a community where power plant and coal operations account for more than half of the property tax income. About 2,800 jobs were projected to be in danger when the mine and power plant closures were first announced in 2020. The Craig and Hayden plants together employ about 200 people directly.
A Community Already Moving On
Walk through Craig today and you’ll see a town that isn’t waiting for Washington to save it.
The Cooper family—longtime coal industry workers—started High Altitude Geothermal, installing geothermal heat pumps that use the Earth’s constant temperature to heat and cool buildings. Wade Gerber is opening Bad Alibi Distillery. A cocktail bar is going up next door. After closure announcements, some business owners opened additional ventures like commercial print shops, seeing diversification as practical when high-paying jobs disappear.
Tri-State’s education subsidies are being tapped for everything from distilling classes to vehicle repair and gunsmithing courses—skills for new careers in a post-coal economy.
The city and Moffat County received a $3.3 million federal grant to create river-based amenities that could transform Craig into a tourism destination. The whitewater park and other projects are part of the Yampa River Corridor Project and the broader Moffat County Vision 2025 Transition Plan. More than two dozen projects are underway, from affordable housing developments in downtown Craig to commercial solar arrays.
There’s even interest in developing a hydrogen hub at Craig Station’s site. Tri-State and partners applied for federal funds to pursue a green hydrogen pilot project.
The Last-Ditch Playbook
So what could actually save Craig Station? Any realistic plan would need to address three fundamental challenges:
1. Make the Economics Work
The $79 million annual cost premium isn’t going away. A save-the-plant effort would need:
Federal subsidies covering the operational cost gap (potentially through DOE emergency funding or new coal support programs)
Modernization investments to improve efficiency and reduce operating costs
Market restructuring or guaranteed power purchase agreements at premium rates
Carbon capture retrofitting (though this adds billions in capital costs)
2. Navigate Colorado’s Air Quality Regulations
Craig Unit 1 must close under state regulations for regional haze reduction. Keeping it running requires either:
Federal preemption of state authority (legally murky territory)
Renegotiating Colorado’s regional haze implementation plan
Installing pollution controls expensive enough to question whether saving the plant makes sense
Securing exemptions that could face immediate legal challenges from environmental groups
3. Address the Reliability Question
If Tri-State genuinely has excess capacity, DOE emergency orders become harder to justify legally. The Federal Power Act’s Section 202(c) allows DOE to mandate operations only for emergency reliability needs. A successful save would need to demonstrate:
Unexpected capacity shortages
Grid stability issues without Craig Unit 1
Delays in planned replacement generation coming online
Regional transmission constraints creating localized need
The Political Reality
Even with Trump administration support, the headwinds are substantial. DOE can issue emergency orders, but they’re typically temporary—90 days initially, potentially extended to one year. They don’t change the underlying economics or state regulatory requirements.
Colorado has mandated aggressive renewable energy targets and greenhouse emission reductions. The state recently issued its decision requiring Xcel Energy to pay $203 million to coal communities for lost property taxes from closures—a tacit acknowledgment the closures are happening.
In November, the Colorado Air Quality Control Commission sparked controversy by granting Xcel’s Comanche 3 plant a one-year extension. Environmental groups charged officials with retreating in the coal fight. But even that concession came because the plant needed repairs, not as a permanent reversal.
What Happens Next
The expected DOE emergency order for Craig Unit 1 will likely arrive before December 31st. It might keep the lights on for a few more months, perhaps longer. But unless someone solves the $79 million annual question and navigates Colorado’s regulatory framework, it’s a stay of execution, not a pardon.
The bigger question is whether Craig needs saving at all. While federal intervention might preserve jobs temporarily, it does nothing to build the sustainable economy Moffat County needs for 2030 and beyond. The $625 million the Trump administration is throwing at coal might buy time, but it won’t buy certainty.
Craig’s families are already making their own calculations. Some are retraining. Others are starting businesses. A few are leaving. They’re not waiting for a last-ditch miracle—they’re building what comes next.
The coal plant that powered this community for 45 years is dying of old age and economics. No amount of political will changes that fundamental reality. The only real question left is whether federal intervention delays the inevitable long enough to matter—or just makes the eventual transition that much harder.
Central City Has Never Been Afraid of Big Moments. Until Now.
A unanimous vote by the county’s three sitting commissioners turns away an $8 million opportunity—and raises hard questions about leadership, legacy, and the town’s future.
Central City, Colorado — where constitutional history was written and economic futures are now rejected. [Photo credit TK]
The desk on which Colorado’s Constitution was drafted still sits in Central City.
That matters, because this town has never been a footnote. It has always been a starting point.
Central City exists because John H. Gregory struck gold in Gregory Gulch in 1859 and ignited a chain reaction of risk, investment, and ambition that built the Rocky Mountains’ first great boomtown. This place was not preserved into existence. It was built—forcefully, deliberately, and at great personal cost.
Last week, that legacy was set aside.
In a unanimous vote by the three current sitting county commissioners, a development proposal was rejected that would have increased local economic activity from roughly $1 million annually to an estimated $8 million, while restoring Central City’s standing as the only authentic mountain gaming town in the region.
That decision will linger.
This was not speculative growth. It was a targeted reinvestment aligned with the town’s identity, its economic reality, and its history. Gaming is not incidental here; it is the modern continuation of the same risk-based enterprise that built Central City in the first place.
Instead, the vote ensured that the mountain gaming spotlight remains fixed on outside corporate ownership groups operating elsewhere—Monarch, Ameristar—entities with capital and scale, but no roots in the canyon and no connection to the town’s founding values.
They did not build Central City.
They did not carve Gregory Gulch.
They did not rebuild after fire reduced the town to ash—twice.
Yet through caution and inaction, they have been left as the stewards of Colorado’s mountain gaming identity, while the town that created that identity is asked to accept permanent second-tier status.
That is not preservation. It is abdication.
The Economic Math
The economic math alone should have settled the matter. An $8 million impact in a town this size is not upside—it is oxygen. Jobs, infrastructure, secondary business activity, tax base, visibility. These are not luxuries for Central City. They are the difference between circulation and stagnation.
Central City is not a museum accidentally left outdoors. It is a living town that has reinvented itself repeatedly—from mining camp, to cultural center, to gaming town—each time through investment, not retreat.
Every historic building standing today was once a controversial new development. The opera house was audacious. The grand hotels were excessive. Ambition offended those who preferred smaller horizons. And yet those choices are exactly why Central City mattered then—and why it still should.
“The commissioners failed to grasp a basic mountain truth: when opportunity is blocked upstream, consequences flow downhill.”
Businesses close. Workers leave. Identity erodes.
A Call for Accountability
This vote stands as one of the most consequential political miscalculations in recent memory—not because it was bold, but because it was unnecessary. It turned away growth that honored the town’s past by extending it forward.
Leadership is stewardship, not paralysis. When elected officials fail to act in defense of a town’s survival, accountability follows.
This paper stands opposed to the commissioners’ decision and calls for new leadership—leaders who understand that Central City’s future is not something to defer, and that history is respected by building, not by standing still.
The creek keeps flowing.
History keeps moving. Central City should too.
SIDEBAR | Central City: Built by Risk, Sustained by Investment
1859 — Gregory Gulch John H. Gregory’s discovery ignites the Colorado Gold Rush.
1860s–1870s — Boomtown Opera houses, mills, hotels, and civic buildings rise in extreme terrain.
1874 & 1877 — The Great Fires The town burns—twice—and rebuilds each time with greater ambition.
Early 1900s — Decline and Endurance Mining slows, but Central City survives through adaptation.
1990s — Limited-Stakes Gaming Gaming restores economic life and preserves historic structures through use.
Today — A Crossroads A decisive investment is rejected, placing the town’s future in question.
Patrick Henry Sweeney is Publisher and Editor of the Weekly Register-Call, Colorado’s oldest newspaper (est. 1862), and operates under the Robert F. Sweeney Foundation for Excellence in Journalism. The Register-Call has won 27 Colorado Press Association awards in three years. Contact: admin@registercall.com
Colorado is expanding powerful identification and tracking systems at the same time that private cameras spread on every block. This extended feature looks at how Real ID, license plate readers, and doorbell cameras fit together, what Colorado law says about filming in public, and what ordinary people can still do to push back and opt out.
Real ID’s deeper dangers
Real ID turns a driver’s license into a strong, standardized identity token that government agencies and private systems can easily recognize and link to large databases. Even if the card looks familiar, the program encourages states to collect more documents, verify them against other systems, and store the results in ways that make records easier to search and share across agencies and state lines. Once this infrastructure is in place, the main risks are “mission creep” and data breaches: information gathered originally to fight fraud or terrorism becomes tempting for unrelated uses like routine policing, background checks, or mass identity verification, while attackers have a larger, more valuable pool of data to target.
The combination of Real ID with growing camera networks makes physical movement easier to link to identity. License plate scans, traffic-camera footage, and even commercial face recognition systems can be cross-referenced with DMV and other government records, turning a single traffic stop into an entry point for far more detailed profiling. People who must drive—commuters, gig workers, rural residents—are hardest to avoid this system, which means the burden falls unevenly on those with fewer alternatives.
License plate readers in Colorado communities
Automated license plate readers (ALPRs) like Flock cameras are being deployed by police departments, homeowner associations, and even private businesses across Colorado, creating a dense net of vehicle tracking points. These systems do more than check for stolen cars: they create logs of where cars were, down to minute-level timestamps, which can then be searched to reconstruct a person’s travel history, visits to clinics or houses of worship, participation in protests, and social or political connections. Investigations in Colorado and elsewhere have shown that ALPR data is often retained far longer than the public assumes, and can be shared widely with other law enforcement agencies—even those far outside the community where the cameras are installed.
Denver’s move to stop sharing Flock data with federal agencies underscores how quickly local control can slip away once a third-party vendor sits between the community and the data. When out-of-state officers can query scans generated in Colorado, decisions made by one city council effectively alter the privacy environment for people across an entire metro region. This raises questions that go well beyond crime rates: who decides what counts as “suspicious,” how long that suspicion lingers in a database, and what happens when systems flag the wrong person because of a misread plate or shared vehicle.
Collateral and chilling effects
People who attend protests, union meetings, or community gatherings in their cars may be silently logged, creating indirect records of political activity.
A single “hot list” mistake can subject the wrong driver to repeated stops, searches, or suspicion, with little transparency about how to correct the underlying data.
Colorado law on filming in public
Colorado’s legal framework largely recognizes that people have a right to document what happens in public spaces, particularly when it involves government officials or matters of public concern.[1][2] The state’s wiretapping law focuses on situations where someone has a reasonable expectation of privacy, such as private conversations in homes or concealed recording in intimate spaces; by contrast, recording open conversations and events in streets, parks, and other public forums is generally lawful as long as the person recording is not interfering with official duties.[1][3] Courts in the region have upheld the idea that recording police in public is an extension of the First Amendment, which protects gathering information about public officials as a prerequisite to meaningful speech and oversight.[1][2]
At the same time, local governments sometimes experiment with restrictions around specific facilities. The Englewood policy limiting nonconsensual recording within a short distance of certain city building entrances reflects a tension between agency comfort and public rights: rules like these can be framed as safety measures but, if written broadly, may discourage residents from documenting how services are delivered or how security staff behave.[4] People who film in Colorado should know that they generally may: stand on public sidewalks, record what they can see and hear, decline to surrender their devices, and continue recording as long as they are not obstructing access, ignoring lawful orders to move for safety reasons, or entering restricted areas.[1][3][2]
Practical recording guidance
Maintain a reasonable distance and avoid physically blocking officers or government staff while recording, especially near entrances to public buildings.[4][2]
Clearly state that you are recording and that you do not consent to deletion or confiscation, and move to a safer spot if ordered for specific safety or crime-scene reasons rather than for vague “respect” demands.[1][3][2]
Ring cameras, neighborhoods, and power
Doorbell cameras like Ring shift surveillance from city poles to private doorframes, but the social and political effects can be similar—or even more intense. In many cities, police departments have lined up partnerships or portals that let officers request or, in some circumstances, receive footage from individual Ring owners, effectively turning private devices into an informal extension of the public surveillance network. Unlike city camera programs, these private arrangements often escape public hearings, procurement debates, or data-use impact assessments, because they grow through marketing and one-on-one homeowner decisions instead of visible budget lines.
The impact on neighborhood life is subtle but profound. When every doorstep is a camera, people walking dogs, delivering packages, canvassing for elections, or kids playing on sidewalks can all end up in corporate cloud archives tied to specific addresses. Neighborhood apps that aggregate this footage can intensify fear: mundane incidents—a car slowly driving past, a person checking their phone—can be framed as potential crimes, and biases about race, age, or clothing can shape who gets labeled “suspicious.” Over time, this encourages people to treat public space outside their front door as something to be monitored and defended rather than shared, which can worsen divisions and erode trust.
Social consequences of doorbell surveillance
Workers (mail carriers, gig drivers, maintenance staff) may feel constantly watched and rated, with little say in how their images are stored, shared, or interpreted.
People experiencing homelessness, youth, and others on the margins are more likely to be filmed repeatedly, reported in neighborhood apps, and visited by police based on subjective fear.
How these systems reinforce each other
Real ID, ALPRs, and doorbell cameras are often discussed separately, but they interact in ways that magnify their individual risks. A Real ID-compliant license tied to a DMV database means that when a plate reader logs a car outside a certain address at a certain time, that record can be linked back to an identified person, and potentially to other government systems that store their address history, employment records, or benefits use. Ring footage showing a particular vehicle or person can be cross-referenced with plate data or existing police photos, making it easier to track an individual across different contexts.
The result is an environment where “being in public” no longer means being relatively unobserved and forgettable. Instead, each movement leaves a trail: the plate captured at the subdivision gate, the face caught by the neighbor’s doorbell, the ID swiped at a building entrance. Even when each system is justified individually—security at a school, theft prevention at a store, traffic enforcement at an intersection—the combined effect starts to resemble continuous location tracking and pervasive monitoring. The danger is not just concrete harms like stalking or doxxing, but the quieter chilling effect when people begin to avoid sensitive places, controversial meetings, or even speaking with neighbors for fear those interactions will be recorded and stored.
What Colorado residents can still do
Despite the scale of these systems, residents retain real power—through daily choices, local organizing, and statewide policy. On the personal level, people can choose devices and settings that reduce unnecessary surveillance: declining to install networked doorbell cameras; using local-only storage instead of cloud services; disabling always-on audio; and angling cameras so they cover only one’s own entryway instead of sidewalks, neighbors’ windows, or shared yards. When police or companies request footage, residents can ask for written legal requests and, unless required by law, decline voluntary sharing—especially for broad “neighborhood sweep” requests that are not tied to a specific incident.
Collectively, residents can press for laws and policies that put real limits on data collection, retention, and sharing. That includes local ordinances requiring city approval before adopting new ALPR or camera systems; mandatory public reports about where cameras are located, what vendors are used, and how long data is kept; warrants or strong legal standards before officers may search license plate databases for patterns of movement; and outright bans on sharing local ALPR data with federal immigration enforcement or other distant agencies without judicial oversight.[5][6][7][8] Community groups can also advocate for clear opt-out mechanisms in neighborhoods: HOA rules that restrict the orientation of cameras to avoid common areas, or voluntary neighborhood compacts where residents agree not to post footage of passersby on social media unless there is a clear, serious safety concern.
Concrete opt-out and advocacy steps
When renewing identification, ask detailed questions about data retention, sharing policies, and whether alternatives (such as non-Real ID IDs for some uses) remain available, and share those answers publicly at community meetings.
Urge city councils and county commissions to adopt surveillance ordinances that require: public hearings before any new camera deployment, short default retention (like 30 days or less) for ALPR and camera data unless tied to specific investigations, independent audits of vendor systems, and clear penalties for misuse by officers or contractors.[5][6][7][8]
In your own home, favor non-networked or privacy-focused cameras, turn off unnecessary features like audio and facial recognition, and talk with neighbors about informal norms—such as not filming children’s play areas or frequently posting footage of strangers—that respect privacy while still allowing reasonable security.
Colorado public recording and private surveillance at a glance
Issue
Public’s general right
Main risks today
Example local responses
Filming in public (people, police)
Broad right to record in public spaces if not interfering with officials; police generally cannot force deletion.[1][3][2]
Intimidation, unlawful orders to stop recording, local building rules that may narrow where close-range filming is allowed.[4][1][2]
Rights-education efforts, legal challenges, and policies that reaffirm the right to record law enforcement.[1][3][2]
License plate readers (ALPR)
No practical way to avoid plate capture when driving; rules depend on local policy and state law.[5][6][7]
Long retention, broad data sharing, tracking of movement and associations, potential for misuse by officers or outside agencies.[5][6][7][8]
Denver limiting data sharing with federal agencies; proposed state bills to tighten access and require stronger legal standards.[5][6][7][8]
Ring/doorbell cameras
Homeowners decide whether and how to install; visitors and passersby rarely have meaningful choice.
Continuous doorstep surveillance, biased reporting in neighborhood apps, police access to private footage, corporate storage and analysis.
Public pressure on companies to change law-enforcement partnerships, local conversations and HOA rules about camera placement and norms.
Together, these systems are reshaping what it means to move, gather, and speak in Colorado. Residents who understand how the pieces fit—Real ID, plate readers, doorbell networks, and recording rights—are better positioned to insist that security measures remain tools, not the silent architects of daily life.
Sources [1] Colorado | The Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press https://www.rcfp.org/reporters-recording-guide/colorado/ [2] Public Recording of Law Enforcement Activity | Colorado … https://cdor.colorado.gov/public-recording-of-law-enforcement-activity [3] Can the Police Stop the Public Recording of Their Actions? https://www.hmichaelsteinberg.com/articles/the-colorado-criminal-justice-system-what-are-my-rights/can-the-police-stop-the-public-recording-of-their-actions/ [4] Video Recording Without Consent | City of Englewood, Colorado https://www.englewoodco.gov/our-city/policies/video-recording-without-consent [5] Colorado lawmaker considers regulation to prevent abuses and … https://www.cbsnews.com/colorado/news/license-plate-reading-cameras-colorado-regulation-misuse/ [6] Denver bans sharing of Flock camera data with the federal … https://www.denver7.com/news/front-range/denver/denver-bans-sharing-of-license-plate-reader-data-with-the-feds-as-part-of-five-month-flock-contract-extension [7] Listen: Out-of-state cops had access to Denver license plate data for … https://www.cpr.org/2025/07/02/listen-denver-flock-surveillance-cameras-data/ [8] A new bill would stop police from searching license plate databases … https://www.facebook.com/ilike9news/posts/a-new-bill-would-stop-police-from-searching-license-plate-databases-without-a-wa/858091196836210/
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